It’s taken the Bharatiya Janata Party’s ‘masterstroke’ savvy government 6 years to finally start dishing out domicile certificates to descendants of Hindu refugees, Gorkha veterans, and a number of people in other eligible categories. Don’t get me wrong, I absolutely support this move, but only wonder, what took so long for us to reach a stage where this most critical step to fully integrate Jammu & Kashmir into India was possible? Why did a government with such an impressive majority take their own jolly good time to revoke Article 370? When will the PR battle of CAA-NRC be over and we’ll finally to move towards kicking out possibly tens of millions of Muslim illegals?
Of course, these are not easy problems to solve- it was never going to be a cakewalk to reverse the decline of a civilisation which has been in the retreat for over a millennium, but the big issue may be that the bigwigs of the BJP think that their leisurely pace of action is more than sufficient for India’s great civilisational revival. Unfortunately for us, they are dead wrong.
Take for example the J&K issue we started off with, now anyone with a half-decent understanding of politics on our side of the spectrum knows that flipping the demographics of the region will be critical to ending the insurgency there and securing our hold. The most obvious way to do that is to open the doors for mass migration of Hindu mainlanders. But what should have been done in one swift go, is being done at an abysmally slow and unenthusiastic pace. This can be seen in the new criteria established to grant domicile certificates- either you must have at least resided in the UT for 15 years, or studied for at least 7 years in it, including 10th and 12th grade, or you must be a central government officer (or his/her child) with at least 10 years of service in J&K.
Notwithstanding much hullabaloo by supporters of the Establishment Right, the slightly watered down continuation of the earlier restrictive policy on granting J&K domicile is not going to enable the demographic flipping of any significant sort. The latest reported figures say that about 90,000 domicile certificates have been issued in the Kashmir Valley, and some 6 lakh (600,000) in the Jammu division. People look at these figures and proclaim that this is the beginning of some kind of demographic Tsunami which will re-establish Hindu numerical superiority in many districts.
However, once we look more closely at these numbers and the new rule changes in J&K, the situation becomes a lot less impressive. Out of the 6.9 lakh (690,000) domicile certificates issued, 2,500 went to Valmikis and another 1,000 to Gorkhas- two communities often cited as prime examples of the Article 370/35A-era discrimination. Not only are these numbers statistically irrelevant from a demographic point of view, it should also be noted that the bulk of these people were already living in J&K.
So what about all the other domicile certificates? While we don’t have an exact breakup of figures, we do have a clue as to who might be applying for them. New rules issued by the J&K administration have made domicile certificates mandatory for applying to government jobs, educational institutions and even for buying property. What this means is that people who were already carrying permanent resident certificates of J&K, are also flocking to get domicile certificates issued. This is a strong indication that the vast majority of the hundreds of thousands of domicile certificates being given out by the government are actually going to natives of J&K, and not to outsiders, and thus there is not going to be any significant demographic impact of the same.
Another disturbing example of BJP’s attachment to taking only incremental steps to solve a grave problem is in Assam- where the party rode to power in 2016 by campaigning strongly over the issue of illegal immigration from Bangladesh and resultant demographic change. But what has it actually done after coming to power in the state? It was none other than the then Chief Justice of India Ranjan Gogoi, who in early 2019, lambasted Assam’s BJP government for having done precious little to deport those who had been declared foreigners.
“40 lakh (4 million) people were not included in Assam NRC means they are prima facie foreigners, but tribunals have declared only 52,000 as foreigners and only 162 have been deported. We are very disappointed,” he noted.
Assam is the same state in which children from Muslim families made up close to 45% of all children in the 0 to 4 age group in 2011. That’s despite the overall Muslim proportion of the population having been only 34.2%. If in a state which is essentially on the cusp of becoming Muslim majority, the BJP is content with deporting just 162 out of 52,000 proven foreign illegals, one can only imagine their slothfulness in solving pressing issues facing Hindus in other parts of the country.